Wednesday, February 20, 2008

Rare display of introspection in structured finance

Securitisation

Fear and loathing, and a hint of hope

Feb 14th 2008 LAS VEGAS
From The Economist print edition

Not all is lost for the structured-finance business. But it faces further discomfort before it can start to recover some of its past sheen

AS GAGS go, it was cheap. But irresistible. As a banker from Citigroup placed his chips on the roulette table, a watching wise-guy sniggered: “There goes another $15 billion.”

Even though it was held (as usual) in Las Vegas, this year's conference of the American Securitisation Forum (ASF), between February 3rd and 6th, was a subdued affair. First staged only in 2004, the event has become a mecca for those whose job it is to spin mortgages, credit-card debt and other bread-and-butter financial assets into tradable securities. But this time attendance was down—and tension up, as the neck-masseuses in the exhibit hall could attest. Black humour and self-deprecation replaced the self-congratulation of past years. John Devaney, a hedge-fund manager who had to sell his 142-foot yacht, Positive Carry, and his Gulfstream IV after making bad bets on mortgage bonds, told an audience: “I'd like to thank the market for dealing me a direct hit. As a trader if you don't get sucker-punched every once in a while, you don't understand what risk is.”

You might suppose that meeting in America's gambling capital would provide symbolism enough. But the conference Super Bowl party had plenty more. It was hosted by Countrywide, a big, troubled mortgage lender that has had to fall on the charity of Bank of America. And, as the guests digested the dramatic ending of the New England Patriots' long winning streak by the New York Giants, they may have sensed an uncomfortable parallel. After a quarter-century of growth that turned structured finance from a capital-market cog into an engine of growth, their business has been buckled by the crash in subprime mortgages and the successive blows throughout credit markets. Worse, some blame securitisation for causing the pile-up in the first place.

The limits of gonzo finance

Securitisation has greatly enhanced the secondary market for loans, giving originators, mainly banks, more balance-sheet flexibility and investors of all sorts greater access to credit risk. Both have embraced it. By 2006 the volume of outstanding securitised loans had reached $28 trillion (see chart 1). Last year three-fifths of America's mortgages and one-quarter of consumer debt were bundled up and sold on.

Along the way, banks cooked up a simmering alphabet soup. The ingredients included collateralised-debt obligations (CDOs), which repackage asset-backed securities, and collateralised-loan obligations (CLOs), which do the same for corporate loans, as well as structured investment vehicles (SIVs) and conduits, which banks used to keep some of their exposure off their balance sheets.

The breakneck growth of this business went into reverse last summer, when it became clear that defaults would undermine the structures built around America's mortgage markets. So tarnished has the subprime-mortgage market become, because of shoddy loan underwriting and fraud, that investors are likely to shun securities linked to it for months if not years. Securitisation of better-quality “jumbo” mortgages—too big to be bought by government agencies—is also at a near-halt. “Mortgages were traditionally seen as very safe assets. Now all but the very best are stamped with a skull and crossbones,” says Guy Cecala, of Inside Mortgage Finance, a newsletter.

CDOs are unlikely to regain a following in a hurry (see chart 2). Still less popular are CDO-squareds (resliced and repackaged CDOs) and higher powers. CLOs have also been battered as the leveraged loans they are linked to have tumbled in value. However, their collateral is sounder than that backing subprime CDOs, being based on company financials rather than the blandishments of mortgage brokers.

The prospects for SIVs are bleaker still. SIVs borrow short-term to invest in long-dated assets; and investors will no longer tolerate such mismatches in vehicles shielded from standard banking regulation. With the disappearance of the SIVs' funding sources, notably asset-backed commercial paper, banks had to bring over $136 billion-worth onto their books. That comes on top of over $160 billion, so far, of subprime-related write-downs, over a third of which has come at three banks: Citigroup, Merrill Lynch and UBS.

Though few bankers worked in structured finance, it was a huge earner, accounting for 20-30% of big investment banks' profits before the crisis, according to CreditSights, a financial-research firm. Banks such as Bear Stearns, Lehman Brothers and Morgan Stanley, which bought or built mortgage-origination businesses to fuel the securitisation machine, have rushed to close or pare them. Merrill, whose fees from CDOs alone peaked at $700m in 2006, said recently that it would stop packaging mortgages altogether.

Alongside the banks, the “gatekeepers” who were supposed to lend stability and credibility to the new originate-and-distribute model of finance have also been found wanting. Rating agencies' models underplayed the risk that loans from different lenders and regions could turn sour at the same time. Bond insurers, too, misjudged the risks lurking in CDOs. That failing has undermined the worth of their guarantees and strained their own credit ratings—and hence financial markets.

George Miller, the ASF's executive director, accepts that this crisis of confidence will lead to a degree of “re-intermediation” for a time, as some banks go back to balance-sheet lending. But he insists that it highlights the dangers of lax lending standards in a particular market rather than fundamental faults in securitisation itself.

A study by NERA, an economic consultancy, commissioned by the ASF before the crunch, offers some support for this view. Preliminary results, based on data from 1990 to 2006, suggest that increased securitisation leads to lower spreads in consumer credit and softens interest-rate shocks for banks, especially smaller ones. On the other hand, in a recent paper two economists at the University of Chicago's business school conclude that securitisation encouraged mortgage originators to lend to dodgy borrowers.

Stresses and strains

What is not in doubt is that the subprime crisis has exposed four deep flaws in the practice of securitisation. The first is that by severing the link between those who scrutinise borrowers and those who take the hit when they default, securitisation has fostered a lack of accountability.

A debate has been rumbling over how to ensure that lenders have more “skin in the game”. Some think they should set aside a sliver of capital even for loans they sell on. Andrew Davidson, a structured-finance consultant, suggests an “origination certificate”, guaranteeing the quality of the underwriting, issued by the lender and broker, which stays with the loan. Alex Pollock of the American Enterprise Institute thinks that securitisers should be required to guarantee the quality of their loan pools, as are America's government-sponsored mortgage giants, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. Others counter that most such exposures can be neutralised these days through derivatives markets.

The second flaw is the sheer lack of understanding of some instruments. Not long ago investors took too much on trust. They are now clamouring for more “transparency”. Some want a central trade-quoting facility for lumpy asset-backed products: regulators have approached the New York Stock Exchange. CME Group, which runs the world's largest futures exchange, is also looking to expand its clearing of over-the-counter securities.

Yet reams of information already accompany mortgage-backed securities sold in public markets. Even SIVs provide a steadier stream of data to investors than most of the banks backing them. So some interpret calls for greater disclosure as whimpering by investors who did not do their homework.

However, more information about the performance of loans after origination would help, particularly those in leveraged structures such as CDOs. This opens up opportunities: fewer banks were at the ASF conference this year, but more data-analytics firms turned up. Clayton, the largest mortgage-surveillance company, unveiled a partnership with Experian, an information-services firm, that will help mortgage-servicers to package subprime loans for modification under a plan backed by the ASF and America's Treasury. Later, it hopes to offer a swathe of data to buyers of structured products.

Understanding the underlying assets is, or should be, at the core of securitisation. Securitisation is really an arbitrage: with surplus collateral, assets can be bundled into an entity with a supercharged credit rating. But if investors fail to spot the jiggery-pokery with credit scores and the outright fraud that permeated the subprime market, that cushion of safety quickly disappears. Witness the speed with which losses have spread into supposedly safe, “super senior” tranches of CDOs.

This points to the third flaw: that some securities were poorly structured, often because their risks were not fully understood. The upper layers of a well-designed securitisation vehicle should be all but impervious to loss. But poorly structured deals, like those stuffed with subprime and marginally less iffy “Alt-A” loans in 2006 and early 2007, have crumbled as the weakness of the collateral becomes clear.

The fourth flaw was the market's over-reliance on ratings as a short cut to assessing risk. In the go-go years, people wrongly assumed that an AAA-rated mortgage bond—even one with a high yield—would never lose value. But the rating agencies, paid for their appraisals by the seller not the buyer, were compromised from the start. Moreover, their quantitative models appear to have ignored “fat-tail” risks—the possibility that large losses are likelier than standard statistical models predict.

Though the agencies do not have to suffer giant write-downs, they have paid a high price. Before the market imploded, almost half the revenue of Moody's, a leading agency, came from structured finance. Now the agencies are revising their rating criteria in a bid to head off tougher regulation. “Either deals get less complex or we have to find a better shorthand for measuring risk,” says Ron Borod of Brown Rudnick, a law firm. The rating agencies say they were never supposed to substitute for investors' own due diligence. That is disingenuous, given their past self-assuredness. Still, wise investors will take future ratings with a pinch of salt, as most hedge funds have long done.

As the market grapples with change, some is likely to be imposed from above. Separately, international regulators and the President's Working Group (comprising America's Treasury, the Federal Reserve and others) are looking into securitisation's part in the crisis. By co-operating over loan modifications, the ASF may have gained favour with the working group.

The industry is more worried about two bills in America's Congress. Securitisers can live with much of the one that has been passed by the House of Representatives. What alarms them is an “assignee liability” provision that would hold them partly responsible for lax lending by originators. This, they say, would send a chill through secondary markets, cutting credit to thousands of worthy borrowers. Precedent is on their side. Georgia introduced assignee liability, only to back-pedal after the state's subprime market started to seize up. Not all bankers are against it: in Las Vegas, Bianca Russo of JPMorgan Chase argued that some form of it was needed to counter the perception, if not the reality, that securitisation was harmful.

The other bill would allow bankruptcy judges to alter the terms of struggling borrowers' mortgages. The industry argues that this would be an intolerable violation of the sanctity of loan-pooling contracts. In addition, securitisers face probes by several state attorneys-general, the Internal Revenue Service, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Securities and Exchange Commission and the Justice Department, as well as lawsuits from investors and a rising number of stricken municipalities.

Bankers will tell you that the subprime meltdown was just that: the product of irresponsible lending to, and borrowing by, flaky consumers, not a broader crisis of securitisation. Maybe, but the severity of the credit crunch points to broader pain ahead. More will come from housing: much of the 30-40% of American home-equity loans that have been securitised looks wobbly, as does a growing chunk of the $800 billion of Alt-A paper outstanding. Loans for offices are an even bigger worry. The spread on the AAA tranche of an index tracking bonds backed by commercial mortgages has tripled since the turn of the year. New issuance is frozen.

Trouble is also brewing for securities tied to non-mortgage consumer assets, such as credit-card debt, car loans and student loans, which make up a good slice of the asset-backed market (see chart 3). Credit-card delinquencies are creeping up as the economy turns down. The sharp slowdown in card borrowing, reported recently by the Fed, will mean less raw material for securitisation. Standards for car loans dropped in 2006-07, though not as dramatically as they did for mortgages.

One ominous sign is that structured instruments tied to student loans are coming unstuck, although the loans typically carry a federal guarantee. Recent auctions of such securities by Citigroup, Goldman Sachs and others have failed. Normally the banks would have bought in whatever did not sell. But they have declined, because they dare not cram even more assets onto their already strained balance sheets.

Yet securities of these types should be more resilient than those tied to subprime loans. Their structures are tried and tested, having evolved, along with performance data in their markets, over many years. In contrast, subprime mortgages with only a short record were shoved into many-layered structures that depended on house prices holding up. “They started from the other end entirely, asking how can we create CDOs, backed by mortgage-backed securities, themselves backed by collateral with barely any history, and their stress tests assumed house prices would be stable and the loans in the pools uncorrelated,” says Mr Borod.

Encouragingly, credit-card receivables are still being bundled and sold. There are even shoots of hope in the mortgage market, thanks to a refinancing mini-boom in the wake of interest-rate cuts—though most new deals are backed by the giant agencies, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, not Wall Street (see chart 4).

Saunter down the strip

It is also worth remembering that securitisation has not been confined to consumer and corporate loans. In the past decade financial engineers have found ways to package and sell tobacco-settlement and mutual-fund fees, sports and fast-food franchise rights, life-insurance premiums, intellectual property, music royalties and much more. Hollywood studios use securitisation to help finance film-making. With intangible assets accounting for an ever-growing share of corporate value, this trend looks likely to continue.

That may be scant consolation to the banks whose bets have gone so spectacularly wrong. Their fingers are still being singed by mortgage-backed securities and CDOs that continue to burn. Those hoping for a recovery face a long wait, maybe 18 months or more for out-of-favour collateral such as non-agency mortgages. Some once-enthusiastic cheerleaders are turning gloomy: Bear Stearns said recently that its net short position on subprime loans and bonds had risen to $1 billion. Others are redeploying staff and capital to fee businesses that don't put a strain on the balance sheet, such as merger advice.

But it would be a mistake to write the obituary of structured finance. Even its sternest critics accept that securitisation has brought real economic benefits, and that it would be wrong to throw away the whole barrel because of a few subprime apples. Some students of financial innovation think the market will come back even more inventive after scorching its less attractive pastures. “As with past forest fires in the markets, we're likely to see incredible flora and fauna springing up in its wake,” says Andrew Lo, director of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology's Laboratory for Financial Engineering.

So it may just be a matter of hanging on. As any punter in Las Vegas will tell you, every losing streak ends eventually, if you can only stay solvent for long enough.

Monday, February 11, 2008

Should we worry about heavy borrowing from TAF?

How Non-Borrowed Reserves Became a Sexy Subject: Caroline Baum

Commentary by Caroline Baum

Feb. 8 (Bloomberg) -- Technically insolvent! This has never happened before! Without the Temporary Auction Facility, where would banks be?

When I got the fifth hysterical e-mail on the subject of -- sit down -- the decline in banks' non-borrowed reserves, I thought I was back in the Volcker era.

That would be Paul Volcker, chairman of the Federal Reserve from 1979 to 1987. Volcker knew interest rates had to rise significantly to slay the inflation dragon; he didn't know by how much. So he changed the Fed's operating procedure from targeting a price (the overnight interbank lending rate) to a quantity (the monetary aggregates -- specifically non-borrowed reserves).

``There is no relationship between non-borrowed reserves and anything the Fed cares about, be it inflation, employment or real GDP,'' said Paul Kasriel, chief economist at the Northern Trust Corp. in Chicago.

He said that 20 years ago, when I was just starting out, but I still remember his exact words. They came back to me when I learned of the latest obsession with this irrelevant statistic.

A few basics are in order. I promise not to make this too geeky.

Banks are required to keep a certain amount of funds in reserve -- as vault cash or on deposit at the Fed -- to meet unexpected deposit outflows. These are called required reserves (catchy, isn't it?). Sometimes depository institutions elect to hold more than is required. These are called excess reserves.

Sources and Uses

Congratulations. You have just completed the introductory course in the uses of reserves. What about the sources?

Reserves can be borrowed (from the Fed's discount window) or non-borrowed (supplied via the Fed's daily open market operations). It matters not one whit to the Fed where the banks acquire the reserves they require. If they borrow directly from the Fed, they don't need to tap the interbank, or fed funds, market.

What's caused the hullabaloo recently is the dive in non- borrowed reserves from $44 billion in early December to minus $8.8 billion at the end of January.

It isn't a mystery what happened. The Fed announced the creation of a Term Auction Facility on Dec. 12, enabling banks to borrow for 28 days versus a wide range of collateral. The minimum bid the Fed accepts is the expected funds rate one month out, which in the current environment means cheaper funding costs than the fed funds market.

So what would you do if you were a bank?

Lower Cost

Loans made through the TAF are categorized as borrowed reserves. The Fed had $50 billion of loans in place at the end of January, which ``caused the borrowed reserves figure to balloon and the non-borrowed figure to decline by a corresponding amount,'' said Lou Crandall, chief economist at Wrightson ICAP LLC in Jersey City, New Jersey, in a Feb. 6 commentary. (He's on the same e-mail lists I am.)

All of a sudden, people who never glanced at the Fed's H.3 statistical release are now experts on ``Aggregate Reserves of Depository Institutions and the Monetary Base.'' Their e-mails have the same sense of foreboding as the missives put out by the Black Helicopter/Tin-Foil Hat crowd.

``What if the Fed's rate cuts aren't motivated by the desire to stave off recession, rather to prevent a major banking crisis?'' one e-mail read. ``The Fed's not telling anyone what it's up to because it doesn't want to cause panic, but the evidence is there in its own data.'' (Gosh, you'd think it would do a better job of hiding it. Maybe send H.3 to join M3!)

Monopolist Provider

The writer of the e-mail directs his readers to the most recent H.3 report, which shows total reserves ($41.6 billion) less TAF credit ($50 billion) less discount window borrowings ($390 million) equals non-borrowed reserves (minus $8.8 billion). The negative number is really an accounting quirk: If banks borrow more than they need, non-borrowed reserves are a negative number.

This gentleman is overlooking the fact that the Fed is ``a monopoly provider of reserves,'' said Jim Glassman, senior U.S. economist at JPMorgan Chase & Co. ``This is a non-starter. There is no such thing as a banking system short of reserves. The Fed has absolute control over the supply.''

There may be times, such as late last year, when banks are reluctant to lend to one another for a period longer than overnight. ``And any one bank can have a problem'' funding itself, Glassman said. But in a world where ``the Fed can print money, there is no shortage,'' he said. ``The banks get the reserves they want.''

Low Priority Worry

Those hyperventilating over TAF borrowing may want to consider an alternate scenario.

``Suppose the Fed cut the discount rate so that it stood below the funds rate,'' Kasriel said. (He said this yesterday, not two decades ago.) ``Would these folks be upset if banks went to the discount window for funds? What's the difference? It's a difference without a distinction.''

In a commentary this week, Goldman Sachs Group Inc. senior economist Andrew Tilton dismissed the case of the disappearing non-borrowed reserves as ``evidence of the markets' obsession with the health of the financial system.''

Some of the concern is justified, he said, given banks' massive losses and writedowns on subprime loans.

Of all the things to worry about right now, this isn't one of them.

Asset inflation and its place in US economic policy

The debt delusion

The US economy relies upon asset price inflation and rising indebtedness to fuel growth - and this contradiction has global implications

By Thomas Palley

(Guardian) A second big American interest-rate cut in a fortnight, alongside an economic stimulus plan that united Republicans and Democrats, demonstrates that US policymakers are keen to head off a recession that looks like the consequence of rising mortgage defaults and falling home prices. But there is a deeper problem that has been overlooked: the US economy relies upon asset price inflation and rising indebtedness to fuel growth.

Therein lies a profound contradiction. On one hand, policy must fuel asset bubbles to keep the economy growing. On the other hand, such bubbles inevitably create financial crises when they eventually implode.

This is a contradiction with global implications. Many countries have relied for growth on US consumer spending and investments in outsourcing to supply those consumers. If America's bubble economy is now tapped out, global growth will slow sharply. It is not clear that other countries have the will or capacity to develop alternative engines of growth.

America's economic contradictions are part of a new business cycle that has emerged since 1980. The business cycles of presidents Ronald Reagan, George Bush Sr, Bill Clinton, and George Bush share strong similarities and are different from pre-1980 cycles. The similarities are large trade deficits, manufacturing job loss, asset price inflation, rising debt-to-income ratios, and detachment of wages from productivity growth.

The new cycle rests on financial booms and cheap imports. Financial booms provide collateral that supports debt-financed spending. Borrowing is also supported by an easing of credit standards and new financial products that increase leverage and widen the range of assets that can be borrowed against. Cheap imports ameliorate the effects of wage stagnation.

This structure contrasts with the pre-1980 business cycle, which rested on wage growth tied to productivity growth and full employment. Wage growth, rather than borrowing and financial booms, fuelled demand growth. That encouraged investment spending, which in turn drove productivity gains and output growth.

The differences between the new and old cycle are starkly revealed in attitudes toward the trade deficit. Previously, trade deficits were viewed as a serious problem, being a leakage of demand that undermined employment and output. Since 1980, trade deficits have been dismissed as the outcome of free-market choices. Moreover, the Federal Reserve has viewed trade deficits as a helpful brake on inflation, while politicians now view them as a way to buy off consumers afflicted by wage stagnation.

The new business cycle also embeds a monetary policy that replaces concern with real wages with a focus on asset prices. Whereas pre-1980 monetary policy tacitly aimed at putting a floor under labour markets to preserve employment and wages, it now tacitly puts a floor under asset prices. This is not a matter of the Fed bailing out investors. Rather, the economy has become so vulnerable to declines in asset prices that the Fed is obliged to intervene to prevent them from inflicting broad damage.

All these features have been present in the current economic expansion. Wages have stagnated despite strong productivity growth, while the trade deficit has set new records. Manufacturing has lost 1.8m jobs. Prior to 1980, manufacturing employment increased during every expansion and always exceeded the previous peak level. Between 1980 and 2000, manufacturing employment continued to grow in expansions, but each time it failed to recover the previous peak. This time, manufacturing employment has actually fallen during the expansion, something unprecedented in American history.

The essential role of asset inflation has been especially visible as a result of the housing bubble, which also highlights the role of monetary policy. Despite the massive tax cuts of 2001 and the increase in military and security spending, the US experienced a prolonged jobless recovery. That compelled the Fed to keep interest rates at historic lows for an extended period, and rates were raised only gradually because of fears about the recovery's fragility.

Low interest rates eventually jump-started the expansion through a house price bubble that supported a debt-financed consumer-spending binge and triggered a construction boom. Meanwhile, prolonged low interest rates contributed to a "chase for yield" in the financial sector that resulted in disregard of credit risk.

In this way, the Fed contributed to creating the sub-prime crisis. However, in the Fed's defence, low interest rates were needed to maintain the expansion. In effect, the new cycle locks the Fed into an unstable stance whereby it must prevent asset price declines to avert recession, yet must also promote asset bubbles to sustain expansions.

So, even if the Fed and US treasury now manage to stave off recession, what will fuel future growth? With debt burdens elevated and housing prices significantly above levels warranted by their historical relation to income, the business cycle of the last two decades appears exhausted.

It is not enough to deal only with the crisis of the day. Policy must also chart a stable long-term course, which implies the need to reconsider the paradigm of the past 25 years. That means ending trade deficits that drain spending and jobs, and restoring the link between wages and productivity. That way, wage income, not debt and asset price inflation, can again provide the engine of demand growth.

Saturday, February 9, 2008

Exxon returns favour to Hugo Chavez - Sovereign debt swings towards distress

Exxon Venezuela asset freeze new blow to Chavez
Fri Feb 8, 2008 12:12am GMT


By Brian Ellsworth
CARACAS (Reuters) - Exxon Mobil's move to freeze billions of dollars of Venezuelan oil assets around the globe adds new complications to President Hugo Chavez's crusade toward socialism, which is already facing growing obstacles.


Fresh off a 2007 nationalization drive that led to a takeover of a large Exxon oil project in Venezuela, the leftist leader is struggling with the fallout over a December poll defeat, growing economic problems and discontent among supporters.

Chavez faces a potentially huge legal battle with one of the world's largest companies after Exxon's gambit, which freezes some of Venezuela's cash and blocks it from selling billions of dollars worth of assets.

But paying a settlement to the Texas energy giant could mean sacrificing millions of dollars needed for the social programs and suffering a humiliating defeat to a transnational company the anti-U.S. leader has described as "imperialist."

News of the court ruling prompted a sell-off of Venezuelan debt.

"It makes the actions you took a year ago fairly pricey," said Dino Barajas, an expert in energy law at Paul, Hastings, Janofsky & Walker LLP.

Exxon (XOM.N:
Quote, Profile, Research) court filings revealed on Thursday show the company won rulings preventing Venezuelan state oil company PDVSA from selling assets such as refineries while also preventing Venezuela from withdrawing more than $300 million in cash from a U.S. bank account.

It was unclear exactly what the impact would be on the day-to-day operations of PDVSA, which critics say is weakened by government's demands it work on social projects, road repairs and food imports.

"Nobody really knows what is the real reach of these decisions, but it doesn't look good for PDVSA, or for the country, which depends on the company for everything, even importing food," said one Venezuelan investor, who asked not to be named.

Chavez launched a broad energy sector nationalization campaign in 2007 as part of a drive to create a socialist society.

Exxon is suing Venezuela for its takeover of the multibillion-dollar Cerro Negro heavy oil project, arguing the OPEC nation violated its contract and illegally snatched complete control.

Venezuela's Information Ministry said it could not comment on the information.

The news comes only months after Chavez lost a referendum that would have let him run indefinitely for re-election. He is now facing growing criticism over nagging shortages of basic groceries like milk and chicken.

The leftist government is also seeing a growing cash flow crunch at PDVSA, which finances the social programs that keep Chavez popular among the nation's majority poor.

A new obligation to pay billions of dollars in compensation to Exxon would put further strain on the finances of the company, which saw its debt rise by $13 billion in 2007 to reach $16 billion -- largely driven by the nationalization crusade.

Court papers suggest the move came as a surprise to PDVSA.

In the court documents, PDVSA's law firm complained that Exxon's lawyers had been "feigning continued cooperation in good faith while another law firm was working behind the scenes preparing this attachment."

(Additional reporting by Ana Isabel Martinez and Frank Jack Daniel; Editing by Christian Wiessner)